FLEET UPDATE 2023-11-07
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ITCZ
The Intertropical Convergence Zone
The Intertropical Convergence Zone, usually referred to as the ITCZ, is a band of unsettled weather surrounding the earth a few degrees north of the equator
where the northeast and southeast tradewinds converge and where the sea surface temperatures reach their maximum values. It is characterized by cells of moderate to strong convection interspersed with areas of flat calm (the doldrums). The convection cells appear as tall cumulonimbus clouds reaching heights well above 20,000 feet. At the surface beneath these cells there is frequent torrential rain with thunder and lightning.
Conditions are often squally with winds from any direction. The squalls rarely exceed 35 knots. Unlike the bad weather associated with frontal systems at higher latitudes where they travel from west to east at about 20 knots or more, those in the ITCZ seem to form and dissipate in place, in other words they are stationary systems. Furthermore they can form and disappear over very short periods of time, sometimes less than 24 hours. Seas usually are moderate to small but confused since they can come from any direction or several directions at once.
The ITCZ migrates north and south following the sun, lagging it by about two months. The north-south width of the disturbed area varies from none at all to as much as 300 miles wide. The north-south seasonal boundary migration is usually between about 01N and 14N with the northern extreme occurring during August and the southern extreme during February.
During the winter and spring months, when the ITCZ is closest to the equator, cyclonic storms can not form in the ITCZ because there is negligible coriolis force close to the equator. However, small area low level cyclonic circulations (LLCC’s) up to about 120 miles in diameter with winds to 35 knots do occasionally form with very heavy rain and of course confused seas. These have the characteristics of miniature tropical disturbances. They travel east to west at 10 to 20 knots embedded in the southern boundary of the northeast trades. The strongest winds will be found in their northwest quadrant where they enhance the trades.
During the late summer months, when the ITCZ is at its maximum north migration, it experiences a larger coriolis force (actually a conservation of momentum effect rather than a force). This physical situation is an essential component of cyclogenesis leading to tropical storms and hurricanes. It is the principal reason why the highest frequency and the greatest intensities for hurricanes occur during the months of August and September.
Another tropical weather phenomenon affecting conditions along the ITCZ is the tropical wave. This is a whole subject unto itself so suffice it to say here that if one is prudent and makes passage from Mexico to the Marquesas between mid-March through the end of April, one does not have to worry about them. However, later in the season they could really spoil you day.
Should you be unfortunate enough to be making this passage late in the season then here is the stuff to watch for. Each year on average, we experience about 60 tropical waves moving east to west. They begin their journey along the coast of West Africa and march west at 10 to 15 knots eventually dissipating near the date line. They are north-south troughs lying between about 05N and 18N, about 800 to 1200 miles long. Width is about 300 miles at the surface. They occur mid-May through the end of November so that means a wave passes about every three to four days. Most pass relatively unnoticed to the cruising sailor.
Others cause a significant clockwise wind shift as they pass and some have torrential rain on the back side. A small number, about 16 in all, interact with disturbed areas in the ITCZ such that they become part of a significant tropical cyclone development, i.e. cyclogenesis. In the Northeast Pacific, all tropical storms and hurricanes have at least one tropical wave as a component of their cyclogenesis. Only about half of the tropical cyclones on the Atlantic side have such a component.
Frequently in the transition zone between the stable northeast and southeast trades there is an area of southerly winds of 5 to 20 knots over a north-south distance of up to 100 miles. Northerly winds in the transition zone are very rare. Sometimes there is sufficient separation between the convection cells that one might find a smooth transition between the northeast and southeast trades with the winds never dropping below 15 knots. If one is fortunate enough to find this condition while transiting the ITCZ, it is more likely to be blind luck than astute strategic planning. The convection cells simply form, dissipate and reform in a seemingly random fashion over periods of less than 48 hours which is far too brief a period for a slow moving vessel to effectively steer a course that will assure her of a smooth transit of the ITCZ. The location of the actual convection is rarely right over the convergence zone.
Strictly speaking, the convergence is a zone of wind convergence and the convection cells usually lie on the north side of the convergence zone with their southern boundaries close to the convergence line. This annual migration is illustrated by the climates of those islands lying in the tropics
versus those situated close to the equator.
Isla del Cocos (5-30N 87-00W) and the Palmyra Atoll (5-55N 162-05W) are both situated at about 06ºN. Although they are 4500 miles apart, they both are within the ITCZ for most of the year which is the reason they have average annual rainfalls of about 280 and 180 inches a year respectively. This accounts for the large tropical rain forests on both islands. Isla del Cocos is the more humid of the two because it is situated in the far Eastern Pacific where winds are mostly light while the Palmyra Atoll is in the Central Pacific where the trade winds are well established and consistent.
The Galapagos Archipelago (00-30N 90-40W) straddles the equator and Christmas Island (01-55N 157-25W) is only 115 miles north of the equator. Although they are 4000 miles apart, their annual rainfall is similar; about 20 and 35 inches respectively. Annual rainfall in the Galapagos is fairly consistent whereas on Christmas Island it goes through wide swings between moderate rainfall to periods of drought lasting 18 months or more.
Part of the reason is the tendency of the ITCZ to thin out as it progresses west toward the Central Pacific. During a strong El Niño episode, when sea surface temperatures can be two to four degrees Celsius above normal, the trade winds are weaker and the annual rainfall in the Galapagos and Easter Island can exceed five times the average amount. As already mentioned, the recommended period for passages from Mexican ports to the Marquesas is about the middle of March through April. During this period, the ITCZ usually lies between about 03N and 07N. The north-south width of the convection cells tends to decrease towards the west, especially west of about 125W.
Note the thinning out of the ITCZ as one moves west. Of even greater significance is the change in the ITCZ over a very short period of time. These images were taken only thirteen days apart. With that in mind, note the significant shift towards the south and the essential disappearance of any convection west of 130W on March 9. This does not mean the ITCZ is moving south in a predictable manner. It
simply illustrates dramatically the large variations that can take place over very short periods of time. The distribution of convection could easily return to something like what existed thirteen days earlier. Such is the meandering variability of the convergence zone.
The location of the ITCZ is given every six hours in the NWS High Seas Forecasts. The format is a sequence of lat/lon coordinates with comments on where along the ITCZ there is moderate or strong convection. This is useful information but one should not expect it to be current. The reason is that the convection cells can develop as strong thunderstorms and then be completely dissipated over a period of less than 24 hours. Unlike thunderstorms at higher latitudes, where they move from west to east at about 20 knots, those in the ITCZ tend to remain stationary. On the other hand, the latitude or line of the ITCZ, wiggles or meanders like the Gulf Stream. For a given longitude, the north-south position of the ITCZ can vary as much as 120 miles in a 24-hour period. What all this
means is that by the time a vessel receives the ITCZ data, conditions have probably changed significantly. A slow moving vessel can not expect to find a hole in the convection chain based on information received via INMARSAT-C or USCG HF-voice weather forecasts. One might be able to improve one’s chances if one has the capability to receive (real time) the low altitude polar orbiting NOAA weather satellite infrared encoded images directly as they pass over one’s location.
Forecasting the day-to-day meanderings of the ITCZ is for me at any rate impossible. It’s rather like trying to predict which way the rabbit is going to go when I chase him across the meadow. I know he probably will stay somewhere ahead of me, but when and where will he zig or zag? The only charts I’m aware of in the public domain that come reasonably close to forecasting the ITCZ are the streamline charts generated by the USN’s NOGAPS model. But even then, one has to weight or bias them each day based on QuikSCAT scatterometer surface wind data. Computed wind vectors from scatterometer measurements are remarkably accurate. However, one has to be careful not to put too much faith in the data on the edges of the swaths or in the vicinity of very heavy precipitation.
So how does a slow moving vessel make something useful out of ITCZ data? Well, if one plots the coordinates every 24 hours, beginning several days in advance, and if one uses the same piece of paper or electronic chart, then one will have a band that shows the most probable width and location of the ITCZ. To illustrate this exercise I have plotted the daily coordinates given for the ITCZ over an eight-day period. Figure 3 shows these plots. Note the wider swings at the eastern end versus the smaller swings at the western end. Also note that during this brief period of time, the north-south swings range from about 175 to 475 miles. This illustrates my point that a slow-moving vessel can not expect to exploit the ITCZ to advantage. The rate of changes in the ITCZ far exceed the rate of progress of a slow-moving vessel.
The Optimum Intermediate Waypoint
Obviously, based on the above illustrations, there is no precise optimum intermediate waypoint. All one can say is that at this time of year it is most likely to be somewhere between 03N and 07N at about 130W. Generally one needs to remain north of the ITCZ for as long as possible. This means one makes most of one’s westing in the northeast trades. Another reason to elect this strategy is that at this time of year the northeast trades tend to be stronger than the southeast
trades. A third reason is that one is more likely to find spaces between the convection cells the further one is to the west. However, it usually is not worth sailing further than about 132W before diving south; the extra distance isn’t worth it. There is a fourth reason that has to do with the doldrums. During the recommended season, there is a good probability that the further west one goes, the more likely one will find a sharp transition between the northeast and southeast trades. Cutting the corner before the recommended waypoint, i.e. diving south, increases the probability of encountering large areas of calm. If you leave late in the season, say in June, this becomes even more probable. The reason is that the low-pressure systems forming a few hundred miles off Southern Mexico during hurricane season have the effect of markedly reducing the strength of the winds in the far southeastern corner of the tradewind belt.
A fifth reason for making most of your westing in the northeast trades as well as not leaving it too late to depart, is that as hurricane season approaches, the southeast trades in the far Eastern Pacific steadily veer, becoming southwest winds. Not only would these winds be head winds, the severity of the ITCZ weather increases as the winds shift from a convergence situation to one of shear. On reaching the ITCZ most vessels power or motor sail due south so as to cut the ITCZ at right angles in order to transit in the shortest possible time. Once one is finally in steady southeast trades one sets course directly for the Marquesas. Sometimes the southeast trades are actually east winds.
Sailing this dogleg course is about 100 miles longer than the direct great circle or rhumb line route. That’s less than three percent more than the shortest route.
While this strategy minimizes the amount of time one may be exposed to the ITCZ, one should still expect squalls at any time along the route, especially after clearing the Revillagigedos Archipelago. After all, this entire 3000-mile passage is made in the tropics.
by Dr. Donald J. Anderson
FLEET UPDATE 2023-10-09
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FLEET UPDATE 2023-08-20
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FLEET UPDATE 2023-07-23
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FLEET UPDATE 2023-07-01
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FLEET UPDATE 2023-06-11
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![Tiki: Anthropomorphic Sculptures, Sacred Structures and Powerful Places in Marquesas Islands Tiki : Sculptures anthropomorphiques, structures et localités sacrées des îles Marquises Sidsel Millerstrom p. 1828-1846 Abstract Index Text Bibliography Notes AuthorIllustrations Abstract English Français The ancient Marquesan anthropomorphic stone and wood sculptures or tiki have received wide attention since they were first noted in 1595. However, they have not been systematically and scientifically studied until the Marquesas Rock Art Project was created in 1984. Over several years eighty‑four anthropomorphic sculptures were located through intensive field survey and interviews with local Marquesan. Information gathered at each site included metric data, archaeological, social, architectural and environmental context. Stylistically the Marquesan stone tiki are remarkably similar and followed certain social rules. The similar characteristics also seen in Marquesan rock art, tattoo, and material objects suggest that the fundamental principles regarding the symbolic order remained unchanged for a long time. Moreover, the homogeneous decorative system demonstrates that the Marquesan adhered to a common ideology and belief system. Index terms Mots clés : Océanie, Polynésie française, Îles Marquises, Tiki, pierres anthropomorphiques, archéologie, sculpture sur bois, art rupestre, lieux sacrés, tatouage Keywords : Oceania, Marquesas Island, Tiki, anthropomorphic stone, archaeology, wood Sculptures, rock art, sacred place, tattoo Full text Acknowledgement The Marquesan Rock Art Project was a team effort and several archaeologists and local volunteers worked with us. While they are too numerous to mention here I am grateful for their enthusiasm, help and their friendship. I wish to acknowledge Maeva Navarro, former director of C.P.S.H., Tahiti, for initiating the Marquesan Rock Art Project, and for allowing my team and me to conduct research in the Marquesas. I thank her for her support and encouragement. Thank you to Edmundo Edwards, with whom I was fortunate to be able to work; he headed the project and became my working partner from the beginning. His knowledge of Polynesia and his overwhelming generosity and kindness touched everybody. Heidy Baumgartner Lesage, a long‑time friend and team mate, and I spent much time together in the Marquesas surveying, recording the petroglyphs, tiki, and associated architecture. I will always be indebted to Heidy for her sound advice and companionship. I thank the government of French Polynesia for allowing me to do archaeological research in the islands and for the many Marquesan that housed and fed us, showed us archaeological sites and became our friends. Introduction 1 A publication about a tiki exhibit in 2016, Tahiti, just become available. Tik (...) 1Since the 1590s, with the arrival of the first Europeans to the Marquesan Archipelago, stone and wood sculptures have been described, exhibited, photographed, sketched, painted and admired. However, the sculptures have never been systematically surveyed, documented and analysed. I present here a summary of metric information and empirical observation generated from data collected on the stone sculptures during several archaeological field seasons to the Marquesas Islands.1 2In 1984, Maeva Navarro, then Director of Département d’Archéologie, Centre Polynésien des Sciences Humaines, Te Anavaharau, Tahiti (C.P.S.H), initiated the Marquesas Island Rock Art Project. This government organization is presently known as Service de la Culture et du Patrimoine (S.C.P). Edmundo Edwards, then chief archaeologist with the department, directed the project. I was part of the venture from the beginning. During the Marquesan Rock Art Project, from 1984 to 1989, eighty‑four stone statues or tiki were documented in seventeen valleys on the presently six inhabited islands. Figure 1. The Marquesas Archipelago, French Polynesia Figure 1. The Marquesas Archipelago, French Polynesia Zoom in Original (png, 48k) © Map courtesy Melinda Allen 2016 2 Their work was published in 2007 by Service de la Culture et du Patrimoine, Mi (...) 3Since 1998, additional sculptures have been found and documented by others. For instance, the French couple Catherine Chavaillon and Eric Olivier, while living on Hiva Oa, recorded several previously undocumented statues2. 3 In the 1890s a large anthropomorphic head was taken from Me’ae Iipona, Puamau, Valley, (...) 4In 1997, the American archaeologist Barry Rolett, with University of Hawaii, Manoa, discovered four tiki heads on the surface of a shrine (me’ae) in Vaitahu, Tahuata. Several sculptures are located in Musée de Tahiti et des îles, Punaauia in numerous museums worldwide as well as in private collections. None of these anthropomorphic figures are included in this study. Some statues have been carried away by foreigners or they were hidden by Marquesan when Christianity became established in the archipelago.3 4 A stone monument in Vaitahu, Tahuata, raised in 1995 in commemoration of the discovery o (...) 5The first encounter between Europeans and Te Enana, as the Marquesan people now wish to be called, was brief and brutal.4 In July 1595, the Spanish commander Alvaro de Mendaña and his pilot Portuguese Pedro Fernández de Quiros came upon Fatu Hiva, Tahuata, Hiva Oa, and Montane islands in the southern group, on their way from Peru to form a colony in the Solomon Islands. Te Enana then became the first Polynesian island society to be discovered by the Europeans. During their visit to Vaitahu, Tahuata, Mendaña and his crew held a Mass, raised three wooden crosses, planted a few corn seeds, and took possession of the island in the name of Spain. Due to misunderstandings between Te Enana and the Spanish some two hundred islanders were massacred. Only Quiros left a record of what they saw during their sojourn in the islands. His account contained the first description of anthropomorphic sculptures and a sacred structure: 5 Markham, 1904, p. 27‑28. Apart from the village there was an oracle surrounded by palisades, with the entrance on the west side. Within there was a house, almost in the middle, in which were wooden figures badly carved; and here were offerings of food and a pig, which the soldiers took. When the Spanish soldiers attempted to take some of the objects, they were made to understand by the Enana that they had great respect for the place.5 6As far as the written record is concerned, no Europeans visited the islands during the following 179 years. Western influence first spread after Captain James Cook’s three‑day visit in 1774. Cook, commander of the Resolution and the Discovery, also anchored in Vaitahu Bay, Tahuata. 7He renamed it Resolution Bay. From then on numerous explorers, missionaries, traders and a few beachcombers arrived in the archipelago. Thus, the Marquesan social fabric dramatically changed forever. Anthropomorphic Sculptures (Tiki) Characteristics 8All representations of human like figures such as the statues, anthropomorphs seen in the petroglyphs, pictographs and tattoo repertoire, carved figures on bones, wood and shells are collectively referred to as tiki. This, however, does not mean that they represent the god Tiki, an important figure in Marquesan mythology. In general, the anthropomorphic statues represent deified ancestors such as important chiefs and priests, people that were considered sacred or tapu. For instance, Takai’i, at Me’ae Iipona, Puamu, Hiva Oa, the largest tiki in the Marquesas, was a powerful chief and warrior. Figure 2. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa. Takai’i and a sitting tiki Figure 2. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa. Takai’i and a sitting tiki Zoom in Original (jpeg, 1,1M) © Millerstrom Location 9Of the 84 stone anthropomorphic sculptures that we documented, the majority, 53 tiki (63,1 percent), were found on Hiva Oa (Table 1). At Me’ae Iipona, there are 18 tiki (5 statues, 10 heads, and three sculpture fragments), as well as numerous boulders with petroglyphs. Several of the heads were uncovered in 1991 when the French archaeologist Pierre Ottino and his crew restored the site for the Third Marquesas Islands Festival. The only sitting tiki recorded by us is located at this site (see figure 2). The sitting tiki, named Te aua ehu ehu or Fau poe, is believed to represent the wife of Takai’i, the tallest tiki in the Marquesas. Island Valley Frequency of tiki Percentage Hiva Oa Puamau 30 ‘Atu’ona 9 Hanaiapa 3 Eiaone 3 Ta’a Oa 2 Tahauku 2 Mutu Ua 2 Hanapa’ao’a 1 Punaei 1 Subtotal 53 63.1 Nuku Hiva Taipivai 12 Hatiheu 4 Anaho 1 Taiohae 4 Subtotal 21 25.0 Ua Huka Hane 4 Vaipaee 1 Hokatu 1 Subtotal 6 7.1 Tahuata Vaitahu 1 Subtotal 1 1.2 Ua Pu Hakamoui 1 Hakatehau 1 Subtotal 2 2.4 Fatu Hiva Omoa 1 Subtotal 1 1.2 Total 84 100 6 One of the “horizontally placed” tiki is located at Me’ae Iipona. In the 1 (...) 10A total of 48 tiki were documented in situ; the remaining 36 sculptures had been relocated, and their exact original location and archaeological contexts are uncertain. Based on morphology, five main categories are distinguished: 1) statue carved in the round; 2) modified boulder; 3) rectangular block with tiki figure in deep bas‑relief; 4) double figure; and 5) exotic figure. The last category includes two separate horizontally placed tiki resting on blocks and one seated figure (mentioned above).6 The most common visual characteristics are large circular eyes, wide nose, mouth, slightly flexed legs, and arms placed on a protruding stomach. It may include intricate facial features, tattoos, and headbands, while the rest of the body is only roughly outlined. 7 Millerstrom, 2003a, p. 103‑110. 11Tiki are associated with shrines (me’ae), chief’s household units, or ritual places located within the tribal communal complexes (tohua). Tiki may also be linked to fishing shrines (Figure 3). We found a small tiki on the surface of a fishing shrine in Anaho, Nuku Hiva.7 At Paepae Paeke, Nuku Hiva, another site with several tiki, the statues are fully carved and placed on or in the walls of platforms. Figure 3. Anaho, Nuku Hiva. Tioka Puhetini with a tiki discovered on Me’ae Atatai, a fisherman's shrine (331ANA T‑1) Figure 3. Anaho, Nuku Hiva. Tioka Puhetini with a tiki discovered on Me’ae Atatai, a fisherman's shrine (331ANA T‑1) Zoom in Original (jpeg, 408k) ©Millerstrom 12Regarding the Paepae Paeke site, when German ethnographer von den Steinen visited in the 1890s, he was told that each of the 12 tiki present at the site was named after a district in Taipi Valley. The name of one of the tiki was Puamamau Etua. Furthermore, the Paepae Paeke was protected by a tapu (a spiritual protection). The sacredness of the place, the location on top of a peak, and the name of one tiki indicate that this was a me’ae and that one tiki may represent a deified inspirational priest. When the American archaeologist Ralph Linton examined the site in 1920, his guide claimed that the site was neither sacred nor a shrine and the people of Taipi did not know of any names. 13Sometimes statues are directly associated with a chief’s domestic complex. A chief’s house is sometimes referred to as a me’ae in the historic literature. It is possible that an important chief’s house became so infused with supernatural power after his death that the site became sacred and thus became become a shrine as. This is what might have taken place at Paepae Paeke. Structure 14Typically, the size of the head is one third or more of the body’s height. Because the head was considered sacred and the seat of supernatural power (mana), it was the most important part of the statue. Thus, it was carved with careful attention to the smallest details. It is usually resting directly on square shoulders lacking a neck. A tiki at Me’ae Iipona is unusual because of the small size of the head in relation to the body (Figure 4). It is possible that the original head broke off, and the statue and the head were re‑carved to fit into a smooth groove in the upper torso. Round, large, and bulging eyes are usually encircled with a 1‑2‑cm‑wide raised rim under high‑arched eyebrows. Sometimes the eyes have a raised or incised curved line that bisects them from the outer part of the eye to the inner corner of each eye. Some tiki have circular indented pits indicating the pupils. Figure 4. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa Figure 4. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa Zoom in Original (jpeg, 418k) © Millerstrom 15A broad nose with wide nostrils fills out most of the centre of the face. The outline of the nose goes upward and connects with the eyebrow. High eyebrows reach down on the outer side of the head and link with the ears, resembling the stems of eyeglasses. A long, wide mouth, sometimes with a protruding tongue or even teeth with great canines, covers the lower part of the face. When tattoo occur, they depict anthropomorphic figures, dogs, and geometric motifs. Tattoo are usually placed on the side of the mouth chest or on the thighs. 8 Linton, 1925, p. 74. 16Carved headdresses (hei) are the most common form of decoration, but wreath around the neck, tattoo, short mantles, and hair‑knots on each side of the head occur. Some tiki have drilled circular perforation in the earlobes for placement of earplugs. Takai’i at Me’ae Iipona, has tattoo on the chest and legs, what appears to be a hair knot at the back, and we noted several vertical grooves in each eye, perhaps this was to emphasize their size and the direction of the gaze. The American archaeologist Ralph Linton8 mentions ornamental grooves, circles and chevron patterns on the abdomen and buttocks on some images, but these tattoo design are no longer visible on the tiki we recorded. We do not know if the neck ornaments represent plants or marine material. Perforated shell tabs, pearl pendants, fish, porpoise and whale teeth are found in archaeological deposits. In fact, whale teeth were so treasured that towards the beginning of the Classical Period (1600‑1790) and onwards imitation whale teeth were carved from the lips of Cassi shell. Wreaths of perishable plant material are difficult to ascertain archaeologically. Paul Pétard (1912‑1980), a French ethnobotanist, reported that garlands were strung from the keys of Pandanus (Pandanus tectorius), also referred to as Screw Pine, to decorate the body during feasts. Several varieties of the Pandanus were recognized by the Polynesian according to the various parts of the tree, and the changing colour of the ripening fruit. Garlands strung from the Pandanus keys, especially the red type (ha’a kua), was reserved for garlands to decorate the tiki during feasts and hence tapu or forbidden to commoners. 17Wide, rounded hips and short, stubby extend legs rest on a pedestal. Some tiki have a peg base to secure them in the ground. Legs were considered less important and many images have the legs only indicated, while other sculptures are cut off below the waist. Ankles may be indicated by raised circular knobs. Only a few images depict toes. The back is often carved with spines and buttocks even when the statues are fitted into a stone platform. The tiki recorded by our team vary in height from 32.7 to 250 cm above the ground. The majority of the statues measure between 50 and 100 cm. 18During some ceremonies, the tiki was girdled in tapa or bark clothes. While tapa beating was usually done by women, the loincloth for the tiki were ceremonially beaten by the priest. Early explorers describe old inspirational priests (tuhuna/tuhuka) beating loincloth for the gods. The act was so sacred that the priest could only eat in the evening. Offerings of human victims, animals, fruit, and vegetables were placed in front of the statue or hung in nearby trees. Contributions were placed near the tiki and priest were seen presenting food to the mouth of the statues. Robarts, an English beachcomber that lived eight years in the islands noted that during the memorial feast, food was always sent to the priests at the me’ae. A small portion of the food was placed on the head of the image. Edward Robarts wrote: “This no one eats, being held sacred” (1974). Several of the images we documented have a flat surface on top of the head which may have been a space to place decoration such as a crown of shell, teeth, bones, or plant material as well as offerings to the ancestors. 9 Quoted from E. S. Handy (1923, p. 224) in The Native Culture in the Marquesas: Bernice (...) 19Hands with fingers are most often resting on a protruding abdomen. As ritual knowledge, genealogy and oral tradition were believed to be held in the stomach, hands placed on a protruding belly may have been a way to protect these memories. A tiki, part of Tohua Pehe Kua, Puamau, have the left hand touching the mouth (Figure 5). The reason for this is unknown. At Me’ae Iipona, a headless tiki placed on a terrace below Takai’i has 6 fingers on each hand also resting on a protruding stomach. A circular tattoo on the left ankle indicates that it is a high raking person. A tribal inspirational priest or shaman was called tau’a. Sometimes they would also be called atua (called etua in the Southern group), which means literally god. A shaman could be a male or female. He or she was thought to be persons who could be possessed by spirits or gods and their position were demonstrated by some type of phenomenon or “distinguished by remarkable physical deformity of some kind”.9 This statue is the only one we recorded that showed deformity, although a tiki located at Paepae Paeke, Nuku Hiva, has two heads. However, double‑headed tiki or the Janus figure phenomena seen elsewhere in Polynesian carvings may have different connotations. Figure 5. Tohua Pehe Kua, Puamau, Hiva Oa. The tiki, one of a pair, is presently located at chief Te Hau Moe’s tomb Figure 5. Tohua Pehe Kua, Puamau, Hiva Oa. The tiki, one of a pair, is presently located at chief Te Hau Moe’s tomb Zoom in Original (jpeg, 40M) © Millerstrom 20It is generally assumed that all the tiki represented men. This may not be the case. Leaving out sculptured heads from the calculation, there are 61 torsos and fully carved tiki. Of these 39 sculptures (64.0 percent) have no sex depicted. While 16 sculptures (26.2 percent) represent males, 6 tiki (9.8 percent) represent females. At Paepae Paeke, Taipivai (Nuku Hiva), 4 of the 12 tiki represent females and 4 are males (Figure 6). In the past all tiki had a name, but most of them are forgotten today. According to legends and local informants the tiki with 6 fingers on with both hands at Me’ae Iipona carries names that are both male and female; Te torae e nohu ua, or Maiauto, or Pete ta mu imui are masculine and feminine names. Thus, the male/female distinctions in carved ancestral figures may or may not have been meaningful to the Marquesan in the past. Figure 6. Paepae Paeke, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. A female tiki carved in red volcanic tuff Figure 6. Paepae Paeke, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. A female tiki carved in red volcanic tuff Zoom in Original (jpeg, 2,5M) © Millerstrom Material 10 Millerstrom & Edwards, 1998. 11 Linton, 1925, p. 162. 21A total of 31 tiki (37.0 percent) were carved from sacred red volcanic tuff, but some basaltic tiki were once painted red10. When we used artificial light at night to checked on an image at Me’ae Utukua, Punaei Valley, Hiva Oa, we discovered traces of red pigment around the eyes (Figure 7). Ralph Linton11 saw traces of red pigment in protected parts of a statue at Me’ae Iipona, Hiva Oa. Some of the sculptures, 16 (19.0 percent) in total, were carved in a gray or yellow tuff. The remaining 37 sculptures (44.0 percent) were crafted in basalt. Figure 7. Me’ae Utukua, Punaei Valley, Hiva Oa. Figure 7. Me’ae Utukua, Punaei Valley, Hiva Oa. Zoom in Original (jpeg, 433k) ©Photo courtesy C. Chavaillon and E. Oliver 12 Ibid., p. 8‑9, 164‑165. 13 Ibid., p. 8. 22There are numerous quarries in the Marquesas, but none of them have been investigated. Ralph Linton12 writes that all the “great tiki” at Me’ae Iipona were sculptures with material from the quarry of Teohopuapu, located in a small valley in the stream bed on the south‑western side of Teohovevau, Puamau Valley. Both red and gray tuff are found in the quarry. In the same area there is a 10 feet stratum of gray tuff deposit. The outline of a large block, also called ke’etu, has been removed and an unfinished tiki head is still visible. Linton13 mentioned another quarry in Puamau that were quarried for stones for secular structures and a quarry at Hakahetau, Ua Pou. None of these quarries have been visited by our team. 14 Ibid., p. 74‑75. 23Ralph Linton14 claims that the tuff on Nuku Hiva is coarser than the tuff elsewhere and that the sculptures are “technically inferior to those of Hiva Oa”. This has yet to be confirmed. On the beach of the isolated Ha’ata’ive’a Valley, located on the north coast of Nuku Hiva, there are two quarries one on each side of the bay. On the east side, a 2‑3 m wide, red tuff band is exposed in a cliff, and a cave is situated above. In the cave, approximately 5 m above the ground, two anthropomorphic faces are pecked on the floor (Figure 8ab). Rectangular outlines, the results of removing blocks of red tuff, are visible on the north side of the 2‑3 m tuff deposit. At high tide the area is partly submerged, a rough outlined tiki is still in place. A basalt adze quarry with the remains of a white beach rock pavement is situated across the bay. Figure 8. Ha’atai’ve’a, Nuku Hiva. Two petroglyph faces placed on the floor of a rock shelter (331haa 1) Figure 8. Ha’atai’ve’a, Nuku Hiva. Two petroglyph faces placed on the floor of a rock shelter (331haa 1) Zoom in Original (jpeg, 9,2M) © Millerstrom 15 Linton, 1925, p. 165. 24Numerous rituals took place before cutting trees for canoes or quarry stones for tiki. Most of these are now forgotten. In the Polynesian past, all boulders and stones were embodied with supernatural power, but some were thought to be more powerful or sacred than others. Boulders, like all things in nature, were believed to grow in the same manner as people and plants. Te Enana believed that ke’etu “grows slowly but constantly ‑a quality peculiar to it”.15 In fact, carving of stone was so important that certain rituals were observed while quarrying. Workers had to render themselves tapu and has to avoid women prior to working with stones or their tools would break. Conservation Issues 25The stone sculptures, especially those carved in the coarse and soft red and yellow volcanic tuff, are friable. Deterioration of the sculptures due to the exposure of the environment continuous to be a serious threat to the Marquesan cultural remains. Over the years many discussions considering the best way to preserve the sculptures have taken place, e.g., chemical treatment, replace the original with copies, or cover them with roofs. In 2016, conservation efforts have been implemented at Me’ae Iipona, Puamau, a site that receives a relatively large number of tourists. Thatched roofs have been built over each of the most fragile tiki. This certainly will help to slow the deterioration, but in many respects, it may be too late. Since the early 1980s my team and I have noticed slow deterioration of the tiki especially at Me’ae Iipona and Paepae Paeke. In the 1920‑21, Ralph Linton noticed tattoo patterns on the upper and lower legs of Takai’i, such as herringbone patters on the thigh and horizontal grooves on the lower legs. These figures are no longer visible. When our team recorded Takai’i in 1985, we noted 4 vertical grooves in his right eye and 27 vertical grooves in his left eye. These grooves are now difficult to distinguish. 16 Heyerdahl & Ferdon, 1965, p. 127, plate 40c. 26When the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition excavated at Me’ae Iipona in 1956, they made a complete plaster mold, a total of fifty‑nine parts, of Takai’i16. An identical copy was then made for the Kon‑Tiki Museum, Oslo, Norway. In the 1990s, I contacted Arne Sjølsvold at the Kon‑Tiki Museum and asked him if they still had the plaster mold. The plaster cast was made by archaeologists Sjølsvold and Figueroa, members of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition. Sjølsvold also excavated Me’ae Iipona. While they searched the museum, no mold was found. Sjølsvold speculated that the pieces were thrown away after the copy for the museum was completed. Discussions Age Determination 17 Heyerdahl, 1965, p. 123‑150. 18 Ferdon, 1965, p. 117‑121. 19 The radio carbon age determination for Paeke is 1516 plus or minus 80 year (...) 27To determine the age of the sculptures is challenging. It appears that the conventional image face was first developed in the petroglyphs system and later became part of the tiki face in the sculptures (Figure 9). According to informants in 1890s who could recite approximately 25 generations, Karl von den Steinen, calculated that Me’ae Iipona was constructed circa 1700‑1750. Excavation in 1956 by members of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition to Easter Island and the East Pacific, financed and directed by Thor Heyerdahl, yielded three significantly earlier radiocarbon dated from about 1300 to 1700 (uncalibrated) for the site17. At Paepae Paeke, Taipivai, Edwin Ferdon18, also a member of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition, collected an early radiocarbon date, approximately from 1500‑1600. While these dates indicate the occupation of the sites, it is uncertain if the age determinations reflect the age of the associated sculptures19. Suggs (1961), based on his excavations on Nuku Hiva, suggests that the sculptures were first made around 1600‑1700. Rolett noted that the tiki uncovered in Vaitahu (Tahuata) probably dated to the late prehistoric or early historic period, 1700‑1850. Figure 9: Vaitahu, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. Two mata or tiki faces (333vai 1) Figure 9: Vaitahu, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. Two mata or tiki faces (333vai 1) Zoom in Original (png, 30k) © Millerstrom 20 Linton, 1925, p. 167. 28The statues at Paepae Poevau, Puamau Valley, were, according to Ralph Linton20 “among the last products of the Marquesan sculptures tradition and prove conclusively that the art of stone carvings was alive and vigorous at the time of the French conquest”. A pervasive art system 21 Linton, 1923, p. 269. 22 It is assumed that human figures are the most numerous Marquesan design element. This (...) 29Polynesian decorative systems e.g., tiki, petroglyphs, pictographs and tattoo, are pervasive. Ralph Linton21 stated that the Marquesan material culture was homogeneous. For example, human images were more often depicted on all Marquesan media (e.g., houses, canoes, implements, and ornaments) than on the same media in the other Polynesian islands or island groups22. Ruth Greiner (1923) numerically demonstrated that the distributions of design elements and motifs used in carving occurred in more Marquesan media than in the islands on Hawaii, Tahiti, Austral, Tonga, Fiji, Samoa, the Cooks, and New Zealand. Unfortunately, Greiner did not have the opportunity to examine Karl von den Steinen’s (1969(I), 1969(II), 1969(III)) seminal work on Marquesan material art. Von den Steinen’s work would have bolstered Greiner’s argument. 23 Walsh & Biggs, 1966. 24 Millerstrom & Allen, 2006. 25 DeBoer, 1991, p. 157. 26 Crook William, 2007 [1797‑1799]. 30A great number of petroglyph faces, stylistically similar to the faces of the sculptures, are often referred to mata both by the local people and in the literature. Mata is also a word linked to numerous tattoo motifs given to von den Steinen in 1897. Mata, a Proto‑Polynesian taxeme refers to eye and face.23 The word has the same meaning in Tonga, Samoa, the Cooks, Easter Islands and among the Maori. Maka is a Hawaiian cognate. Other glosses for mata include genealogy, clan, tribe, or status lineage. This word is still retained in Polynesian dialects indicate that the face motif is connected with important concepts that go far back in Oceanic history. The pervasive mata motif seen in tiki and petroglyphs is also expressed on the surface of, for instance, stilt holders, calabashes, ear plugs, hair ornaments, bark cloth masks, wooden clubs ivory fan handles and so on, collected in the early historic period. There is also a connection between the decoration on tiki, petroglyphs and tattoo.24 They all show remarkable similarities in their decorative systems. This homogeneous decorative system probably identified and intensified the ideology of a group of people. A pervasive art system, furthermore, promotes and reinforces social solidarity in order to maintain belief systems that bolster the political position of the hereditary chief, priests or warriors. Pervasive decorative organization experience much less rate of change that for example an opposing partitive art system.25 These theoretical perspectives have important implications regarding changes in the Marquesan art system and how these changes reflect social transformation. The emphasis on the mata may also have been a way to memorialize, honour, and venerate ancestors. Concern with genealogy was strong in Polynesia. Genealogy linked people with their ancestors and defined their social position to their chiefs. Genealogies were chanted in rites of adoption, birth of a firstborn, marriages, funerals, and so on. Because the head was considered the seat of mana, ancestral skulls were frequently removed from burials and treated as sacred relics. The similarity of much of the archaeological art may be, in part, because the craft specialist (tohuna), despite unrest and warfare, could safely travel between islands.26 Conclusion 27 A version of this essay was presented at the Fourth International Conference on Easter I (...) 31This brief essay on the Marquesan statues presents metric data and some discussion on the statues linked to sacred structures.27 The similarities seen in Marquesan rock art, tattoo, and material objects suggest that the fundamental principles regarding the symbolic order remained unchanged for a long time. Moreover, the homogeneous decorative system demonstrates that the Marquesan adhered to a common ideology and belief system. Stylistically the Marquesan stone tiki are remarkably similar, obviously following certain social rules. However, numerous variations exist suggesting that each tiki not only symbolized important deceased ancestor but in fact represented a specific ancestor. 32The research discussed above is but a small part of the potential wealth of information still to be gleamed from investigating the tiki. Several issues remain to be examined. For example, although the Marquesan tiki are remarkably homogeneous, attribute variations occur. While I speculate that these variations reflect the individual deified ancestor, the stylistic variations could be due to the individual craft‑person, regional or chronological differences, or perhaps associated with the type of material used. Furthermore, is it possible to identify the sex of the 72.8 percent genderless statues by isolating specific male and female characteristics? Futures tiki studies may involve the examination of quarries, as well as to investigate the source of the tiki. To be able to link the source of the statues to the various quarries may reveal information on, for instance, exchange systems, the distance the statues were transported across a challenging landscape, time and efforts of both manufacturing and transportation, division of labour, the limitation of natural resources, social structure or status involved in the quarrying and the carving of the statues, technology and quality of the material, and, in general, social context. Future projects may, furthermore, include the documentation of the anthropomorphic sculptures in museums worldwide and those that are accessible in private collections. Together with the 84 sculptures recorded by my team it will further our knowledge of the Marquesan cultural heritage. Without a doubt, additional tiki will be discovered in the future during archaeological survey, excavation as well as during road and house constructions. Bibliography Books Crook William P., 2007 [1797‑1799], An Account of the Marquesas Islands 1797‑1799, Haere Po, Tahiti, 215 p. Markham Clements, 1904, The Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, 1595 to 1606, 2 vol., The Hakluyt Society, London. Millerstrom Sidsel, 2017, Te Henua Enana; Images and Settlement Patterns in the Marquesas Islands, French Polynesia, 67, Contributions of the Archaeological Research Facility, University of California, Berkeley eScholarship, DOI: https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9v38f0zt. [97809890022-5-7] Robart Edward, 1974, The Marquesan Journal of Edward Robarts 1797‑1824, edited by Dening Greg, University Press of Hawai'I, Honolulu, 360 p. [0708106358] Walsh D. S. & Biggs Bruce, 1966, Proto‑Polynesian Word List i, Linguistic Society of New Zealand, Auckland, 133 p. Papers and contributions to books DeBoer Waren R., 1991, “The Decorative Burden: Design, Medium, and Change”, in Longacre William A. (ed.), 2016, Ceramic Ethnoarchaeology, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson, 318 p. [9780816534791] Ferdon Edwin N., 1965, “Surface Architecture of the Site of Paeke, Taipi Valley, Nuku Hiva”, in Heyerdahl Thor & Ferdon Edwin N. (eds.), Reports of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition to Easter Island and the East Pacific, vol. ii, School of American Research and Kon‑Tiki Museum, Monograph 24, part. 2. Santa Fe, p. 117‑122. Greiner Ruth H., 1923, Polynesian Decorative Designs, B. P. Bishop Museum, Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Bulletin 7, Honolulu, 358 p. Heyerdahl Thor, 1965, “The Statues of the Oipona Me’ae, with a Comparative Analysis of Possibly Related Stone Monuments”, in Heyerdahl Thor & Ferdon Edwin N. (eds.), Reports of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition to Easter Island and the East Pacific, School of American Research and Kon‑Tiki Museum, Monograph 24, Vol. ii, part. 2, Santa Fe, p. 123‑151. Linton Ralph, 1925, Archaeology of the Marquesas Islands, B. P. Bishop Museum, Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 23, Honolulu. Millerstrom Sidsel, 1997, “Carved and painted rock images in the Marquesas Islands, French Polynesia”, Archaeology of Oceania, vol. 32, no 3, p. 181‑196. Millerstrom Sidsel & Edwards Edmundo, 1998, “Stone Sculptures of the Marquesas Islands (French Polynesia)”, in Stevenson Christopher M., Lee Georgia & Morin F. J. (eds.), Easter Island in Pacific Context, South Seas Symposium, University of New Mexico, Easter Island Foundation, Proceedings of the Fourth International Conference on Easter Island and East Polynesia, Albuquerque, p. 55‑62, 402 p. [1880636131] Millerstrom Sidsel, 2006, “Ritual and Domestic Architecture, Sacred Places, and Images in the Marquesas Archipelago, French Polynesia”, in Lilley Ian (ed.), Archaeology of Oceania: Australia and the Pacific Islands, Blackwell Publishing, Malden (Mass.), p. 284‑301, 416 p. [9780631230823] Millerstrom Sidsel & Allen Tricia., 2006, “Carved Images and Punctured Skins: Rock Carvings and Tattoos in the Marquesas Islands”, American Indian Rock Art, IRAC Proceedings, Rock Art World Heritage, American Rock Art Association, vol. 21, p. 131‑138. Notes 1 A publication about a tiki exhibit in 2016, Tahiti, just become available. Tiki. Co‑édition Musée de Tahiti et des Iles et Éditions Au Vent des iles. Polynésie Française, 2017. I did not have an opportunity to examine this publication. 2 Their work was published in 2007 by Service de la Culture et du Patrimoine, Ministère de la Cuture de Polynésie Française, Tahiti, called Le patrimoine archéologique de l’île de Hiva Oa (archipel des Marquises). 3 In the 1890s a large anthropomorphic head was taken from Me’ae Iipona, Puamau, Valley, Hiva Oa, by von den Steinen and his crew. It was brought to Germany and is housed in the Ethnographic Museum, Dahlem. The collection will eventually be relocated to the center of Berlin. In 2019, the Ethnographic Museum and Museum of Asian Art are scheduled to reopen in the Humboldt Forum in the reconstructed Berlin City Palace (Berliner Stadtschloss). 4 A stone monument in Vaitahu, Tahuata, raised in 1995 in commemoration of the discovery of the Marquesas Islands by Europeans has the following inscriptions: “FENUA ENATA TERRES DES HOMMES. En 1595, elle fut appelée Îles Marquises, nom qui la fit connaître au reste du monde. Qu’aujourd’hui le monde connaisse son nom d’origine. VATAHU, Le 29 Juillet 1995”. (Fenua Enata, the land of men. In 1595 she was called the Marquesas Islands, a name that become known to the rest of the world. Today the world knows the original name. Vaitahu, July 29, 1995). Because most of my archaeological field research took place in Nuku Hiva, I use the term Te Enana, the men/people rather than Te Enata, the term used in the southern group. 5 Markham, 1904, p. 27‑28. 6 One of the “horizontally placed” tiki is located at Me’ae Iipona. In the 1990s, to everybody’s surprise, a smaller but similar tiki was found below the site Meaiaute. Meaiaute is a small me’ae located on a peak in Hane Valley, Ua Huka. Three tiki and one slab with petroglyph are placed at the edge of a pavement. It is unknown where on the site the “horizontally placed” tiki was originally placed. 7 Millerstrom, 2003a, p. 103‑110. 8 Linton, 1925, p. 74. 9 Quoted from E. S. Handy (1923, p. 224) in The Native Culture in the Marquesas: Bernice P. Bishop Museum Bulletin 9. Honolulu. 10 Millerstrom & Edwards, 1998. 11 Linton, 1925, p. 162. 12 Ibid., p. 8‑9, 164‑165. 13 Ibid., p. 8. 14 Ibid., p. 74‑75. 15 Linton, 1925, p. 165. 16 Heyerdahl & Ferdon, 1965, p. 127, plate 40c. 17 Heyerdahl, 1965, p. 123‑150. 18 Ferdon, 1965, p. 117‑121. 19 The radio carbon age determination for Paeke is 1516 plus or minus 80 years. The following three dates from Me’ae Iipona are: 1) 1316 plus or minus 100 years; 2) 1497 plus or minus 200 years; 3) 1487 plus or minus 150 years. It should be noted that these dates are uncalibrated and the charcoal samples has not been identified. Furthermore, the dates do not necessary represent the first use of the site nor can we be sure that the dates correspond to the time the tiki were made. 20 Linton, 1925, p. 167. 21 Linton, 1923, p. 269. 22 It is assumed that human figures are the most numerous Marquesan design element. This may be solely due to the fact that human figures are more recognizable. Quantitative analysis of the 3 379 petroglyphs recorded in Hatiheu Valley, Nuku Hiva, demonstrates that abstract geometric figures prevail. As a whole, 998 anthropomorphic figures account for 29,5 percent whereas 2121 petroglyphs or 62,8 percent depict abstract geometric motifs. The situation in the western section, the research area of Hatiheu Valley, show a similar pattern, Millerstrom, 2017. In the painted rock shelters of Eiaone Valley, Hiva Oa, anthropomorphs are represented by 20 figures (18,2 percent), while 50 (45.5 percent) are geometric figures. 23 Walsh & Biggs, 1966. 24 Millerstrom & Allen, 2006. 25 DeBoer, 1991, p. 157. 26 Crook William, 2007 [1797‑1799]. 27 A version of this essay was presented at the Fourth International Conference on Easter Island and East Polynesia. University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, USA, 5‑10 August 1997. It was subsequently published with my colleague Edmundo Edwards in 1998. Millerstrom & Edwards, 1998. List of illustrations Title Figure 1. The Marquesas Archipelago, French Polynesia Credits © Map courtesy Melinda Allen 2016 URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-1.png File image/png, 48k Title Figure 2. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa. Takai’i and a sitting tiki Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-2.jpg File image/jpeg, 1,1M Title Figure 3. Anaho, Nuku Hiva. Tioka Puhetini with a tiki discovered on Me’ae Atatai, a fisherman's shrine (331ANA T‑1) Credits ©Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-3.jpg File image/jpeg, 408k Title Figure 4. Me'ae Iipona, Puamau, Hiva Oa Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-4.jpg File image/jpeg, 418k Title Figure 5. Tohua Pehe Kua, Puamau, Hiva Oa. The tiki, one of a pair, is presently located at chief Te Hau Moe’s tomb Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-5.jpg File image/jpeg, 40M Title Figure 6. Paepae Paeke, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. A female tiki carved in red volcanic tuff Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-6.jpg File image/jpeg, 2,5M Title Figure 7. Me’ae Utukua, Punaei Valley, Hiva Oa. Credits ©Photo courtesy C. Chavaillon and E. Oliver URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-7.jpg File image/jpeg, 433k Title Figure 8. Ha’atai’ve’a, Nuku Hiva. Two petroglyph faces placed on the floor of a rock shelter (331haa 1) Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-8.jpg File image/jpeg, 9,2M Title Figure 9: Vaitahu, Taipivai, Nuku Hiva. Two mata or tiki faces (333vai 1) Credits © Millerstrom URL http://books.openedition.org/pressesinalco/docannexe/image/33727/img-9.png File image/png, 30k Author Sidsel Millerstrom University of California, Berkeley, Oceanic Archaeology Lab, Archaeological Research Facilities (ARF) By the same author Petroglyphs of the Society Islands within the Polynesian Rock Art Repertoire in Encyclopédie des historiographies : Afriques, Amériques, Asies, Presses de l’Inalco, 2020 © Presses de l’Inalco, 2020 OpenEdition Books License Textes de stèles de grands moines (Corée) Titres Primordiaux (Amérique latine post‑colombienne)](/wp-content/uploads/2023/06/lj3mv.jpeg)
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